Tuesday, January 28, 2020

Social Housing Policy

Social Housing Policy In their article ‘Welfare Safety Net or Tenure of Choice? The Dilemma Facing Social Housing Policy In England, Fitzpatrick and Pawson (2007) explain and reflect upon the changing environment of social housing in England. This essay will provide a summary of the article before analysing the position of social housing in Scotland compared to that described in England. Key similarities and differences between the two countries with regard to social housing will be provided with evidence from the current literature. Finally, the conclusion will attempt to assess if the positions of social housing are really that different in Scotland and England. The key questions asked by Fitzpatrick and Pawson (2007) are: who and what is social housing for? Through an analysis of the past 30 years and a description of the current social housing policy in England, the article explores the question of access. The underlying paradox of future policy and therefore access to social housing in England is explained as the â€Å"continuing commitment to the ‘safety net role† emphasised in the 2000 Housing Green Paper and the â€Å"explicit ambition† to provide a more mixed ‘tenure of choice thus widening the possible market. Fitzpatrick and Pawson refer to the work of Stephens et al to define the key element of social housing as a question of access â€Å"determined on the basis of ‘administrative criteria rather than just ‘pricing rationing. They then go on to describe the changing environment of social housing in England, housing associations increasing share of stock, the falling number of rented properties in general and the change of age structure within the sector as important factors. The history of the ‘needs-based allocation systems using the development of objective point scoring prioritisation is explained as the progressive orthodoxy of the 20th Century which still remains prevalent in todays legislation and guidance. A concise case against needs-based allocation is then provided with the key points including residualisation and the coercive nature of such a system leading to points chasing behavior. This background provides an excellent backdrop for the changes that occurred in the late 1990s when â€Å"the standard ‘take it or leave it social housing allocations model became increasingly difficult to defend in light of rising aspirations and expectations of consumer choice† (Mullins Pawson, 2005, p138). Choice-Based Letting (CBL) Schemes are provided as current government response to develop and open up the sector by placing more emphasis on the customers choice, and as a means of encouragement for otherwise unsuitable or unwilling participants in social housing. Initial findings show that vulnerable groups are not being excluded by the new system although there are certainly questions around the suitability and impact of a more choice led approachs effects on the poorest. In considering the position of Social Housing in Scotland, the social housing sector in Britain has historically been centralised and therefore genuine variation in policy and practice has been limited. However, devolution and the enactment of legislation to set up the Scottish Parliament have led to the opportunity for divergence within both (Walker et al, 2003, p177). Let us now consider some of the similarities and differences within the Scottish and English social housing sector as described by Fitzpatrick and Pawson. It is important to mention here that it is impossible to detail all of the similarities and differences and therefore only the most clear and important have been chosen for this discussion. There has been a global move towards private housing provision in government policy and therefore it is unsurprising that there are clear similarities between the English context described by Fitzpatrick and Pawson and the Scottish context. An important similarity is that housing has risen on the agenda and has been revived in both England and Scotland (Stirling Smith, 2003), this may be due to its importance in addressing and meeting new evolving community needs in todays societies when so much emphasis is placed on home ownership and stability. Another similarity is that both Scotland and England are facing a crossroads (CIH, 2006) as the purposes of their social housing sector differ from those in the 20th Century. The CIH, (2007) describes this crossroads as a choice to either continue providing for the housing needs of the most vulnerable or diversify to meet some of the wider needs of the community with a range of tenure options. This is exactly the same situation described by Fitzpatrick and Pawson which resulted in the CBL schemes in England. Finally, and key to the need for an evaluation of housing policy, is the changing demographic whom it is serving. Fitzpatrick and Pawson state that in England more than a quarter of all council tenants in 2003/2004 were at least 70 years old whilst in Scotland, single pensioners are the most common type of household found in the sector (CIH, 2006). According to statistics, this will change in future years, as the next generation is largely a home owning population who will not need the support of social housing. Both sectors are facing an increase of younger people as the new entrants into social housing and with that come new needs and mobility patterns. Fitzpatrick and Pawson state that commonly older renters â€Å"will have lived in the sector their whole lives, their low propensity for mobility stabilizing their local neighborhoods and tenure as a whole†. This will change in both England and Scotland and the possibility of a more transient need in social housing as discussed by Fitzpatrick and Pawson (2007) will be applicable. This development has been criticised as a reinforcement of the view of social housing as solely for the poorest and most vulnerable groups and as a ‘last resort for housing (Glynn, 2007). Adding to this hollowing out of those participating in the sector in both England and Scotland, is th e Right to Buy policy which encourages and supports households who wish to purchase their homes through regulated schemes. The Right to Buy means that the economically able are moving away from social renting, resulting in the poorest and most vulnerable making up larger percentages of the social housing sector (Satsangi and Dunmore 2003, p202 and CIH, 2007, p7). With regard to differences in Scotlands social housing sector, Midwinter et al (1991) state that â€Å"there has been acceptance in Whitehall that Scotlands housing needs are both qualitatively and quantitatively different from Englands† (p92). This is perhaps more evident since the devolution of parliament and in the difference in policies that are now emerging. Only one difference has been selected for this discussion due to its significance. Although the tenant basis of both England and Scotland are changing in similar ways, the starkest difference lies in the allocation process in the social housing sector. In England, as already mentioned, the CBL scheme is being piloted and successes are being reported (Fitzpatrick and Pawson, 2007). However, Scotland is being much more cautious in its approach and is keeping to its rights based traditions (Stirling and Smith 2003, p156). The Homelessness Task Force explain we are concerned that (CBL schemes) do not operate in ways which deny homeless people the opportunity of participating, or in ways which restrict the stock of housing available for homeless people (CHI, 2002). One of the main purposes of CBL schemes is to introduce choice. The Scottish Government is enhancing applicant choice through Common Housing Registers (CHR) that will ensure people have fair and open access to housing lists and assessment processes whilst working with landlords to encourage choice, response to need and the use of stock in lettings (Stirling and Smith 2003, p151). At the same time, the Homelessness Act 2002 removes the duty of authorities in England to have a register at all (Stirling and Smith 2003, p156). Fitzpatrick and Pawson conclude that in England â€Å"whatever the governments ambitions, in high demand areas at least, social renting will remain a ‘safety net tenure catering mainly to those in greatest need.† The social housing allocation policy may differ between England and Scotland but the outcomes here are the same; in essence, the safety net is still available for those who need it most. They further conclude that social renting performs different functions in different areas of England, with the delivery of choice being more successful in the North and Midlands and that this is the â€Å"congenial outcome of these policy endeavors† (Fitzpatrick and Pawson, 2007). Scotland is also being encouraged to diversify its social housing policy in order to widen the target population and bring regeneration to areas suffering from residualisation (Glynn, 2007) and that this will be more appropriate in some areas than in others. Therefore, in conclusion, this essay has attempted to summarise the Fitzpatrick and Pawson (2007) article regarding social housing policy in England, with some key similarities and differences given with regard to Scotland. Although there are significant differences in the social housing sector in England and Scotland, there are also significant similarities; most prominently and importantly is the desire to provide housing to the most vulnerable members of society. References Chartered Institute of Housing (CIH) (2002) ‘Strategic Approaches to Homelessness: A Good Practice Briefing. (Coventry, CIH). Chartered Institute of Housing (CIH) (2006) ‘The future for Social Renting in Scotland. (Coventry, CIH). Fitzpatrick, S. Pawson, H. (2007) ‘Welfare Safety Net or Tenure of Choice? The Dilemma Facing Social Housing Policy in England. Housing Studies, 22, (2) pp.163-182). Glynn, S. (2007) ‘Safe as Houses. Scottish Left Review, Issue 42. http://www.scottishleftreview.org/php/upload/slr-140-I42SG.htm Midwinter, A., Keating, M. Mitchell, J. (1991) Politics and Public Policy in Scotland (Basingstoke, Macmillan). Mullens, D. Pawson, H. (2005) ‘The Land That Time Forgot: reforming access to social housing in England. Policy Politics, 33, pp135-148). Satsangi, M. Dunmore, K. (2003) ‘The planning System and the Provision of Affordable Housing in Rural Britain: A Comparison of the Scottish and English Experience. Housing Studies, 18 (2), pp.201-217). Stephens, M., Burns, N. Mackay, L. (2002) ‘Social Market or Safety Net? British Social Rented Housing in a European Context (Bristol: The Policy Press). Stirling, T. Smith, R. (2003) ‘A Matter of Choice? Policy Divergence in Access to Social Housing Post-devolution. Housing Studies, 18 (2), pp.145-158). Walker, R., Mullins, D. Pawson, H. (2003) ‘Devolution and Housing Association in Great Britain; Enhancing Organizational Accountability Housing. Housing Studies, 18 (2), pp.177-199). Bibliography Chartered Institute of Housing (CHI) (2007) ‘The Future of the Social Housing Sector in Scotland in Delivering Successful, Mixed Communities: CIH in Scotland Position Paper. (Coventry, CIH). Jellinek, D. (2006) ‘Social Housing In Scotland: Tenant Participation and Community Cohesion. (Authority Forum Report, CIVICA).

Monday, January 20, 2020

Enemy of the People :: Essays Papers

Enemy of the People The book I read was written by Ibsen and called Enemy of the People. There were nine characters in this book but only five main characters. Dr. Stockmann, Hovstad, Aslaksen, Peter, and Billing. The protagonist was Doctor Stockmann. He has just discovered that a bathing complex that is crucial to the town’s economy is seriously contaminated. He alerts several members of the community and receives generous support and thanks for making this discovery in time to save the town. The next day his brother, the town mayor and the antagonist, tells him he has to retract his statement to the town because to repair the bath it would cost to much money for the town; the mayor is not convinced by the doctors findings. They have a huge argument, but the Doctor hopes that the newspaper will support him. But the mayor convinces the newspaper to oppose him. Soon after the doctor holds a town meeting to tell everyone about the baths. The mayor and Aslaksen, the newspaper printer, try to keep him from speaking. The doctor begins a long lecture in which he condemns the foundations of the town and the tyranny of the majority. The people find his speech offensive and revolt against the doctor. The next morning the doctor’s house is vandalized and all the people who supported him earlier now oppose him. Instead of leaving the town the doctor stays in the town to defy authority. His family is supportive and he says, â€Å"that the strongest man is the man who stands alone.† Psychology plays a main part in the conclusion of the story. Its mob psychology, in the story the newspaper editors did support him and so did most of the town up until the mayor got to them and told them that he was bad. The people knew that the baths were no good and contaminated but they were to afraid to voice there opinion in fear that they might be different and consider bad to the town authorities. So mob psychology deals with people who don’t want to stand out in a crowd no matter what is going to happen to them or the town.

Sunday, January 12, 2020

Legalized Red Light District in Canada

They say that prostitution is perhaps the oldest profession in the world. Ancient books, including the Bible, provide account of different activities pertaining to prostitutes.Whether in the setting of religious practices or in social contexts, prostitution appears to be a part of the lives of men and women in all places and in different times throughout history. In developing countries as well as in developed countries, there are red light districts.Although the laws of most countries prohibit prostitution, probably because of the influence of the Judeo-Christian tradition, it is an open secret that these red light districts continue their operations. Some countries, however, such as the Netherlands and Thailand, have implemented a rather unconventional approach to the issue and that is to legalize prostitution.A number of interesting issues arise out of this. From a policy standpoint, is it better to legalize prostitution since its existence in the society cannot be denied by peopl e? If so, what are the implications on this on the values of the society?Does it matter if the issue is brought out into the open? On a cursory glance at the issue, with legalization, the government can help ensure that women working as prostitutes are free from sexually transmitted disease, thereby protecting both men and women from these illnesses.Likewise, the government can help regulate the number of prostitution centers operating in any given city and there will be a better reckoning of the number of prostitutes serving in the country.On the other hand, there might be important implications of this policy on several institutions of the society, not the least on marriage and the family. Likewise, there are religions who feel strongly against prostitution—legal or otherwise. Given these concerns, which course of action should governments take?This paper looks at the issue in broader terms by looking at the pros and cons of the legalization of prostitution and a red light district. The experiences of the countries that legalized prostitution will also be looked at such as Thailand, the Netherlands, and Germany. Through this, there will be a grounded view on the matter. It will also explore the matter of legalizing prostitution in Canada while taking into account the legal, social, and cultural impacts of this kind of policy.Legalized Prostitution: the ProsProstitution, in itself, is already a very contentious issue. The issue of legalizing it and decriminalizing it is also a contentious one, especially for organizations, even religious denominations, and individuals advocating for women’s rights. The issue itself is complex and requires careful analysis if any given society were to make a stand regarding legalizing prostitution.Several countries have already legalized prostitution. The examples of these countries are the Netherlands, some states in Australia, New Zealand, Nevada, and Switzerland. In the United Kingdom, prostitution in itself i s not illegal but there are several activities associated with it that are considered illegal. In these countries, prostitution is regulated and the governments constantly monitor people whose professions are in this area.There are also countries where prostitution is technically illegal but is allowed to flourish perhaps because of economic considerations and the poverty of people who are living in these countries (Farley, 2003).The most prominent reasons used as basis in legalizing prostitution is that it is impossible to eliminate and will only continue underground if left unchecked. Instead of letting people deal with prostitution underground, they decided to bring it out to the open so that the governments can regulate it better and prevent the occurrence or sexually transmitted diseases.Moreover, legalizing prostitution also limits sexual slavery and wresting the control away from criminal organizations promoting prostitution. This way, the government is able to generate addit ional revenue from it as well. In some instances, legalizing prostitution may also lead to greater sensitivity to the health of sex workers and their working condition, which are usually not the best of conditions.With this approach, the governments seek to take away the bond connecting prostitution and crime (Armentano, 1993).Paul Armentano (1993) presents several interesting arguments regarding the legalization of prostitution all over the world. In his article posted at the Freedom Daily, he says that prostitution can be seen in terms of ownership of people’s bodies who have the right to do what they want with it, including its sale for the purposes of sex.He also argues that thousands of American women make their living by engaging in sex work. These women have a steady flow of customers. The trouble, however, is that having sex with a prostitute is a sure way of contracting HIV and AIDS.Armentano (1993) also makes a case for better use of government funds. Instead of usi ng public funds for the crusade against prostitution, the government can redirect these funds for other more worthy spending. This money, instead, can be used to protect the public against criminals and help build infrastructures for people to enjoy. Besides, whatever war is being waged against prostitution is unlikely to win because prostitution is an enduring profession.

Friday, January 3, 2020

Civil War And A Revolution - 1196 Words

According to the UN, the death toll in Syria almost reached two hundred thousand over the last three and a half years, and the number of displaced Syrians reached 9.5 million. Because of the complexity of the situation, a lot of people don’t even know exactly what is happening over there. The first thing that might pop into one’s mind is that a civil war is going on there. On the other hand, others argue that it is a revolution against oppression that has been brutally responded to. Evaluating the situation in Syria requires solid understanding of specific terms of a civil war and a revolution. Also, is there a general consensus on what a civil war or a revolution is? Can the situation in Syria simply be classified into one of these two? The first important thing to know is that there is no single definition of a civil war that historians or political scientists have agreed upon. 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